Author :
Abstract
In the era of neo-liberalism, Western societies have gone through a process of implementing New Public Management as the main instrument for governance. Also the educational sector is influenced by this change in ideology and practice. At the same time, western society have witnessed a new form of individualisation. In the educational system this is translated into pupil-centred learning. We catch eye of the establishment of a culture with new institutional arrangements that simultaneously seek justification by referring to market and competition and by referring to individual authenticity and individual self-realisation. This article put forward an analysis of how justifications of educational reforms in Norway changed from beginning of the 1960s to the 1990s. I will discuss sociologically the historical process by which the compromise between market liberalism and romantic individualism was designed and given legitimacy.
Keywords
Abstract
In the era of neo-liberalism, Western societies have gone through a process of implementing New Public Management as the main instrument for governance. Also the educational sector is influenced by this change in ideology and practice. At the same time, western society have witnessed a new form of individualisation. In the educational system this is translated into pupil-centred learning. We catch eye of the establishment of a culture with new institutional arrangements that simultaneously seek justification by referring to market and competition and by referring to individual authenticity and individual self-realisation. This article put forward an analysis of how justifications of educational reforms in Norway changed from beginning of the 1960s to the 1990s. I will discuss sociologically the historical process by which the compromise between market liberalism and romantic individualism was designed and given legitimacy.
Keywords
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- ii And process of self-regulation through self-evaluation as Jenny Ozga (2008) points out.
- works of Stephen Ball and Ivor Goodson (for instance Goodson and Ball (eds.) 1985, Goodson 1993), I also
- iv Focusing then on the ‚critical operations undertaken by the actors‛ (Boltanski and Thévenot 1999: 364)
- might open a ‚interpretative space‛ (Wagner 2001a: 5), for a different ‚historical sociology of modernity
- enablements, which they entail‛ (Wagner 2001b: 116).
- the classical political texts (Boltanski and Thévenot 1999: 368). My understanding of this approach is based
- on articles in English (Boltanski and Thévenot 1999, 2000, Thévenot, Moody,and Lafaye 2000, Lamont and
- Thévenot 2000, Wagner 1994b, 1999, 2001b, Dodier 1993, Bénatouïl 1999). As mentioned above, in the 1999
- article six orders of worth were introduced, Thévenot et al suggest a possible green order of worth (2000:
- 241), and Boltanski suggests a possible ‘project order of worth’ (2002: 11).
- and large not been taken up with the rigour of sociological tradition and perspectives (Sakslind 2002).
- vii I have the term ‚pedocentrism‛ from Nathalie Bulle (2001).
- viii See Thesis Eleven nr. 68, 2002. See also Boltanski’s article in Thesis Eleven no. 69, 2002.
- some argued, made it difficult to realize the knowledge ambitions (Severud 2003). This strong stately control
- system in the 1980s and 1990s all over the western world. In the USA and Great Britain this was connected to
- necessary to keep moral and political order‛ (Halsey et al 1997: 19).